BRAMA, April 16, 2003, 9:00 am ET
Press Release
REMARKS TO UKRAINE CIVIL SOCIETY CONFERENCE
"A VISION FOR UKRAINE"
APRIL 7-8, 2003
GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
Paula Dobriansky
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Thank you, Andy (Kuchins), for those kind words of introduction. Let me also thank George Washington University and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace for sponsoring this timely conference.
It's a pleasure to be here today to discuss an issue that is crucial not only to Ukraine, but also to the development of Europe as a whole. As some of you know, this topic is of great interest for me. I have spent much of my career working on democracy promotion in this region, and am very committed to seeing this trend continue.
Those who have studied and observed Ukraine's development over the past several decades and have watched the innumerable changes in Eastern Europe, particularly since 1989, recognize that the surest path to realizing that vision of Ukraine's full integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions is the building of a modern, democratic market economy. That is a path that has been successful for many countries in the region, Poland, Hungary, Romania, and others.
Ukraine's stated intentions to count itself among the members of the European Union and NATO, and to join global institutions such as the WTO, are significant choices. In announcing its Euro-Atlantic aspirations, Ukraine showed foresight, since in just two years, Ukraine will have three EU members and four NATO members on its borders. These choices not only reflect a desire on the part of Ukraine to become more integrated into the world. They also outline clearly the most promising path for Ukraine's future.
However, real change will come when these stated intentions are matched with the political will and transformation on the ground that will indeed advance Ukraine on the path of full integration into the Euro-Atlantic framework. Whether this happens will depend on the decisions the government and the people of Ukraine make in the near future. It will require strong committed leadership, forward-looking civil society leaders with an eye on long-term reform, and a citizenry that is willing to stay the course and hold its leadership to this task.
That's what I would like to talk about today: the importance of those decisions for determining what kind of country Ukraine will be two, five, ten, twenty years from now. Before I expand on this, let me state clearly that the Bush Administration is committed to seeing the development of an independent, democratic, and market-oriented Ukraine, and is determined to make that vision a reality. We have benefited greatly from the partnership we have had with many countries in that region that have been our allies in democracy promotion, security, and economic development. It is our desire to see Ukraine deeply ensconced in the partnership between the US and its European allies.
Let me turn first to leadership. There must be a commitment at the most senior levels to taking the steps necessary to join the EU, NATO and other organizations to which Ukraine aspires. To integrate completely into these institutions, Ukraine will have to demonstrate the force of its convictions by carrying out concrete steps to adopt the laws, develop the practices, and create the institutions of a truly democratic state.
This is because nothing is more central to Ukraine's integration into Euro-Atlantic structures than the progress it makes on democratization. At the end of the day, a true democracy will conduct free and fair elections, have an independent media that accurately reflects real life, encourage civil society, strenghten the rule of law, establish an independent judiciary and hold its leaders accountable for their actions. Let me stress, however, that it is not simply the façade of institutions or going through the motions of an election. It is immersing a country in what many are calling a "culture of democracy." Integrating democratic practices throughout the governmental institutions, permitting - indeed encouraging - a free exchange of ideas, and allowing the natural checks and balances between the government and people to develop.
Let me say a few words about Ukrainian democracy. Indeed many rightfully ask what the status of Ukraine's democracy today is. It depends very much on whom we ask, and on what standard of comparison we are using.
If we ask different people, we would likely get different answers. If we are comparing Ukrainian democracy to conditions under Soviet domination, Ukraine has made great progress. But for the purposes of making policy, we in the United States Government have to compare the current state of Ukrainian democracy to where Ukraine has said it wants to be in the near future, namely, in the company of EU, NATO, and WTO peers. And we must look at where it
can
be.
We see positive developments, and many of you have been part of these.
We have seen:
Grassroots NGO development and coordination that has made a difference. This made a difference in the March Parliamentary elections: Ukrainian NGOs worked together last March to make election monitoring more effective. Your implementation of accurate exit polling prevented opportunities for vote tampering after polls closed. You made it work.
Independent media fighting back against attempts by the central authorities to control your reporting and coverage of issues and events. We've seen you form a trade union; we've seen your colleagues resign in protest against attempted control; we've seen you sign a manifesto in favor of media freedom; and we watched televised Rada hearings on media freedom.
The growth of the Rada's independence, allowing it to become more of a balance on the power of the Presidential Administration.
A recognition by Ukrainian authorities and NGOs that they must confront the threat posed by HIV/AIDS. While different than the other areas I've listed, it is critical to Ukraine's development to engage in the fight against this deadly virus, which is spreading at a faster rate in Ukraine and some of its neighboring states than anywhere else in the world. Just two months ago, the U.S. Embassy sponsored a conference on how we can work together with Ukraine - both the official and non-governmental sectors - in this important cause. I mention this issue because investing in one's people is a critical measure of a country's social and political development.
Each of these is a crucial step along the path of democracy building and development civil society. Likewise, discussions like this conference highlight such progress. This is an important exchange of ideas that will bolster your efforts when you return. Those here who are part of the Ukrainian civil society contribute to the positive force that is steering the country in the direction we will discuss today. These developments are encouraging,
and are injecting more accountability and transparency in the workings of government than ever before.
But building accountability and transparency into governing are far from being routine practices. There are still areas of continuing concern.
Governmental harassment, physical, financial and otherwise, of independent journalists and media outlets does not fit into our shared vision of Ukraine integrated into Euro-Atlantic and global structures. Human Rights Watch just published a report on March 17th that outlined many of the restrictions that the state is putting on Ukrainian television.
Civil society should not have to struggle to operate freely in a democracy. Legal recognition for and protection of civil society groups should be routine.
Opposition politicians should be respected as necessary voices of democratic dissent.
Judges in a democracy should be free to make decisions based on the rule of law, not on political demands.
Due to these concerns, we have decided to place a special emphasis on promoting the forces of democratic change in Ukraine. We are particularly focused on the preparations for the 2004 Presidential election and have set for ourselves the task to do all we can to ensure that the playing field is level and that the election is free and fair.
We have set this objective for ourselves because it is in the pre-election period when the elements of civil society are tested most fully.
Civil society groups, particularly those involved in voter education and election monitoring, should be allowed to operate without government interference.
Research institutes and think tanks should be able to investigate election dynamics freely.
Media coverage should be balanced and comprehensive, allowing ALL presidential candidates to have their say.
Voters should be allowed to choose freely, and not be subjected to threats or manipulation.
Judicial decisions concerning candidates should not be arbitrary.
And as expected, there will be many impulses for reform in Ukraine that extend far beyond the election. A simple look around the room shows the diversity of activities and organizations that are focused on different elements of civil society development and governmental reform. There is WTO membership, the growth of small and medium-sized businesses, and tax and financial reform, which will provide opportunities for increased transparency and broad-based prosperity. Likewise, there is the implementation of the NATO Action Plan which will involve much more than defense reform. And the prospect of eventual EU membership will bring in the perspectives (and support) of neighboring countries.
Each of these external forces will promote the case for widespread reform. However, the main push for reform and transformation must come from within Ukraine. It is up to civil society to keep the pressure on, to ensure that reform momentum does not become bogged down in bureaucratics or become sacrificed to short-term gain. You have the vision and the staying power needed to keep Ukraine on its chosen path.
And you have the support of the US Government. Our Ambassador in Kiev, Carlos Pascual, has been a tireless advocate for the promotion of civil society and democracy in Ukraine. We will redirect some of our assistance to support civil society more vigorously, to build up the independent media, to encourage those of you who will be preparing voters for the election.
But in the end, it's you who will make the difference. You and your organizations will be crucial to ensuring the right decisions are being made in Ukraine to lead it along the path to democracy. And if this path is not followed, it is you and your organizations who will raise the warning flags. It is you and your organizations who will keep our shared vision alive and who will someday see the vision take full form as an independent, democratic, and prosperous Ukraine.
Thank you.
At the conference there was a moment of silence, requested by Nasha Ukraina deputy and former Foreign Minister Boris Tarasiuk, for Ukrainian journalist Taras Prociuk, who was one of the journalists killed in Baghdad
— O.Deychakiwsky, Staff Advisor, CSCE
Note: Paula Dobriansky is Undersecretary of State for Global Affairs, and is the highest ranking Ukrainian-American in the U.S. Government.
Bio: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/biog/2969.htm
Ms. Dobriansky is also a founding member of the Project for a New American Century.
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